LAYING THE GROUNDWORK
In
September 2000, the member states of the United Nations unanimously
adopted the Millennium Declaration. That document served as the
launching pad for the public declaration of eight Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) - which include everything from goal one of halving
extreme poverty to goal two of providing universal primary education;
all to be accomplished before the year 2015. Progress towards the first
seven goals are dependent upon the success of goal eight - which
emphasizes the need for rich countries to commit to assisting with the
development of "an open, rule-based trading and financial system, more
generous aid to countries committed to poverty reduction, and relief for
the debt problems of developing countries."1
At first
glance, the recent actions of Central American countries and the United
States to liberalize trade seem to support, at least partially,
successful realization of MDG Eight. However, upon closer examination,
the picture blurs and the outcome seems uncertain.
Following only a
year of negotiations, the Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA)
or DR-CAFTA (as a result of its recent inclusion of the Dominican
Republic), was signed by the governments of Costa Rica, the Dominican
Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and the United
States in 2004. The agreement, committing each country to reduce its
trade barriers with the other DR-CAFTA countries, was ratified by the
United States Congress on July 28, 2005.2
Rather than
attempting to analyze all of the specific economic and social
intricacies associated with liberalizing trade in Central America, this
brief aims solely to cast light upon the overlap between countries'
efforts to implement the Millennium Development Goal Two/Education for
All and their need to implement a complementary CAFTA agenda.
Specifically,
this document highlights the importance of educational priorities if
economic development efforts are to be successful. The premise of the
argument elaborated here is that without sufficient prioritized emphasis
by Central American countries, multilateral organizations and targeted
donor countries on a complementary agenda that directs resources towards
education infrastructure, CAFTA will never succeed in assisting these
countries in reaching an ever elusive state of "economic prosperity." In
fact, it may deter them from fully accomplishing the MDGs as well.
CURRENT STATE OF EDUCATION
With
the need for collaboration between economic and educational efforts in
mind, let us examine the current status of MDG Two implementation and
broader educational reform in Central America:
Over the past
fifteen years, most Central American countries have implemented at least
basic forms of educational reform. As a result, more children are
entering school and spending more days and years enrolled than ever
before. On an aggregate level, the larger Latin American and Caribbean
region has made considerable progress toward the goal of universal
primary education enrollment and according to the most recent UN
Millennium Development Goals report, "Net enrollment rates at the
primary level rose from 86 percent in 1990 to 93 percent in 2001. The
region's pace of progress in this indicator has been faster than the
developing world average (which rose from 80 percent to 83 percent
between 1990 and 2001). Net enrollment rates in 23 countries of the
region (12 in Latin America and 11 in the Caribbean) surpass 90
percent." 3 The reality is that, large scale disaster or other
unforeseen event aside, all six countries are on target to reach the MDG
enrollment targets.
Unfortunately, progress towards the target of
completing five years of primary education has been slower and few
countries in the region can boast success in this arena. The lack of
progress towards completion of this target is most directly related to
inefficiencies in the education system and the socioeconomic conditions
of poor children - both situations that result in high repetition and
desertion rates and both situations that must be ameliorated if CAFTA is
to succeed. Furthermore, while the number of children initially
enrolling in school has increased, the poor quality of education
throughout Central America is also certainly a factor in children's
failure to complete their primary education. Quality must therefore also
be taken into account when considering educational infrastructure
needs.
While not necessarily relevant to MDG Two but quite
possibly relevant from the CAFTA perspective of needing a skilled
workforce, Central America's educational woes most definitely extend
beyond the primary school environment. In response to the recent
Millennium Development Goals Report 2005, an Inter-American Development
Bank representative wrote "It is difficult to avoid the impression that
the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are falling behind with
regard to secondary education. Although this is not included in the
MDGs, it is the single most important educational indicator separating
upper and lower income groups in the region." 4
When less than one third of a country's urban workforce has completed the twelve years of schooling that your or I take for granted, how can they hope to compete in today's technology-dense free trade environment?
When less than one third of a country's urban workforce has completed the twelve years of schooling that your or I take for granted, how can they hope to compete in today's technology-dense free trade environment?
HISTORY LESSON -HAPPENING AGAIN?
Upon an
examination of the Mexico of today as compared to pre-North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) times, a rise in the Mexican poverty rate
over the last decade or so is apparent. Rather than being directly due
to the implementation of NAFTA, it is more likely that this increase in
the poverty rate is attributable to Mexico's failure to simultaneously
implement a complementary agenda; specifically, the inability of
Mexico's poorer southern States to improve their poorly trained
workforce, infrastructural deficiencies and weak institutions in order
to participate meaningfully in a liberalized trade environment. Rather
than gain, the southern Mexican states lost even as the northern states
benefited from the liberalized trade environment created by NAFTA.
Dr.
Daniel Lederman, co-author of the World Bank report entitled "NAFTA is
Not Enough" (and issued ten years after NAFTA was originally enacted)
explained in an National Public Radio (NPR) interview in 2003 that
Mexico's financial crisis in the 1990s was bound to deepen poverty there
with or without NAFTA. Dr. Lederman said:
Mexican income dropped in one year, 1995, by six percent. Wages across the board for all Mexican workers, on average, fell by 25 percent in less than a year...Still, NAFTA helped Mexico limit the damage, lifting per capita income at least 4 percentage points above where it would have been otherwise. The bottom line is, Mexico would be poorer without NAFTA today. Clearly trade alone won't alleviate poverty. But if Mexico makes the right investments, especially in education, the next decade should be better. 5
POTENTIAL FOR ECONOMIC SUCCESS
As
was the case in Mexico, it is likely that the majority of households in
Central American countries stand to ultimately gain from the price
changes associated with removing trade barriers for sensitive
agricultural commodities and other goods. However, in order for this to
happen, as Dr. Lederman suggests above, each country must now make
appropriate investments in development efforts (most especially in
education) in order to guarantee an equitable distribution of the
benefits of these efforts in the future.
Simultaneously, it is of
critical importance that each country provides for the needs of their
most at-risk citizens. In order to guarantee that the children of these
families are given the opportunity to be counted among those in school,
countries must identify resources, both internally and externally, to
provide incentives for families "to invest in the human capital of their
children." 6Examples of such incentives have been implemented
through funding from the Inter-American Development Bank and several
other organizations in Costa Rica (Superemonos), the Dominican Republic
(Tarjeta de Asistencia Escolar), Honduras (PRAF), and Nicaragua (Red de
Protección Social). Most immediately, these incentives (often in the
form of conditional cash transfers) serve to increase food consumption,
school attendance and use of preventive health care among the extremely
poor. In the long run they are intended to assist with poverty and
malnutrition reduction and to improve schooling completion rates. As
reported by the IDB, "results are proving that it is possible to
increase a family's accumulation of human capital (measured by increased
educational attainment and reduced mortality and morbidity) and, as a
result, also raise potential labor market returns for the beneficiaries,
as well as overall productivity. The programs have had a substantial
positive long-term impact on the education, nutrition and health of its
beneficiaries, especially children." 7
In the World Bank's
expansive document analyzing CAFTA's potential impact on Central
America, entitled "DR-CAFTA - Challenges and Opportunities for Central
America" the authors repeatedly reference technology and emphasize the
importance of a complementary educational agenda that is tied to each
country's stage of development and innovation. For example, "for those
countries farthest away from the technological frontier -such as
Honduras and Nicaragua-- the best technology policy is likely to be
simply sound education policy... in the more advanced settings of Costa
Rica and El Salvador, where adaptation and creation of new technologies
is more important, issues of education quality and completion of
secondary schooling are more important." 8 In fact, without ever
making specific reference to the MDGs, the authors recommend that the
former countries focus on the goal of achieving universal primary
education while the latter countries focus their energy on expanding and
improving secondary level education. Failing to do so is choosing
failure in the open market.
Ultimately, rather than seeing CAFTA
as a first class ticket to a better economic end - with no strings
attached, countries must acknowledge the critical importance of first
implementing MDG Two - target three. This target, which says "by 2015,
children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a
full course of primary schooling" 9 is a critically important
step towards guaranteeing the emergence of a workforce that can respond
to increased marketplace demand and evolving technologies. Without
immediate investment in that future workforce via the education system,
CAFTA will surely flounder and drag MDG Two along with it.
Furthermore,
as mentioned above, educational infrastructure must be put into place
now that will not only guarantee a higher quality education but will
also be made accessible and desirable to Central America's most at-risk
citizens. After all, based on Mexico's experience, the likelihood of a
positive outcome for both CAFTA and MPG Two is slim. Yet the possibility
of economic success does exist if we agree to truly choose "Education
For All."
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